IN THE DISTRICT COURT OF SHAWNEE COUNTY, KANSAS DIVISION
STATE OF KANSAS, ex rel. CARLA J. STOVALL, Attorney General,
Plaintiff,
v.
R.J. REYNOLDS TOBACCO COMPANY; PHILIP MORRIS, INCORPORATED; BROWN &
WILLIAMSON TOBACCO CORPORATION; B.A.T. INDUSTRIES, P.L.C.; LORILLARD TOBACCO
COMPANY; THE AMERICAN TOBACCO COMPANY; HILL & KNOWLTON, INC.; THE COUNCIL
FOR TOBACCO RESEARCH-U.S.A., INC.; THE TOBACCO INSTITUTE, INC.; and JOHN
DOE ENTITIES "A" THROUGH "Z."
Defendants.
Case No. 96-CV-919
PETITION (Filed Pursuant to K.S.A. Chapter 60)
COMES NOW the State of Kansas, on the relation of Carla J. Stovall,
Attorney General (hereinafter "the State" or "Kansas")?
and for its causes of action against the Defendants herein allege, state,
and aver as follows:
I.
Parties
1.Plaintiff, State of Kansas is a body politic governed by the Constitution
and laws of Kansas, and is entitled to bring this action pursuant to the
laws of Kansas. This suit concerns significant matters of state-wide public
interest and is brought on the relation of the Attorney General, pursuant
the Attorney General's other constitutional, statutory, and common law
powers to act on behalf of the State and certain of its agencies. The State
seeks, among other forms of relief, the specific measures set forth below:
a. Consumer Protection Enforcement. The Attorney General has broad authority
to institute actions under the Kansas Consumer Protection Act to safeguard
Kansas citizens from, among other things, unconscionable and deceptive
acts and practices, including the use of false and misleading advertising
campaigns and the marketing of dangerous products to minors. Under this
authority, the Attorney General seeks civil penalties, restitution, and
appropriate declaratory and injunctive relief, including but not limited
to a permanent injunction to require Defendants to cease marketing tobacco
products to children, to disclose their knowledge of and research into
smoking, addiction, and the impact of smoking on health, to publish corrective
advertising, to fund a public education campaign on the health consequences
of smoking as well as smoking cessation programs for nicotine-dependent
smokers, other remedial measures, investigative fees and expenses, and
other appropriate relief.
b. Restraint of Trade. Kansas law (Restraint of Trade, K.S.A. 50-101
et seq.), herein referred to as the "Kansas Antitrust Act") gives
the Attorney General broad powers to protect the public and foster fair
and honest intrastate competition by instituting actions against persons
who conspire to restrain trade and commerce or monopolize markets in Kansas.
Under this authority, the Attorney General seeks civil penalties and appropriate
injunctive relief, including but not limited to a permanent injunction
to require Defendants to disclose their knowledge of and research into
smoking, addiction and the impact of smoking on health.
c. Medical Costs. Among other things, the State seeks restitution for
the smoking-related health care costs paid by the State through its various
statutory medical programs, including the programs established pursuant
to K.S.A. 39-701 et. seq. For example, under the Kansas Medicaid program,
K.S.A. 39-708c(s) and K.S.A. 39- 709, the State, in financial partnership
with the federal government, provides financial assistance for a broad
range of health care services to eligible low income Kansas residents.
A significant portion of the monies that the State has paid out, and will
continue to pay out, to recipients under the Kansas Medicaid program is
for health care costs attributable to smoking-related illnesses and diseases.
Additionally, the State expends large sums of money for the provision of
health care to eligible citizens under various other State programs, which
health care costs are attributable to smoking-related illnesses and diseases.
2. Defendant Philip Morris, Incorporated (Philip Morris U.S.A.) (hereinafter
"Philip Morris") is a Virginia corporation whose principal place
of business is located at 120 Park Avenue, New York, New York 10016 and
may be served with process pursuant to K.S.A. 60- 308(e) at that address.
Defendant Philip Morris, Incorporated (Philip Morris U.S.A.) manufactures,
advertises, promotes, markets and sells Philip Morris, Merit, Cambridge,
Marlboro, Benson & Hedges, Virginia Slims, Alpine, Dunhill, English
Ovals, Galaxy, Players, Saratoga and Parliament cigarettes throughout the
United States, including in Kansas.
3. Defendant R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company (hereinafter "R.J. REYNOLDS")
is a New Jersey corporation whose principal place of business is located
at Fourth and Main Streets, Winston-Salem, North Carolina 27102 and may
be served with process pursuant to K.S.A. 60-308(e) at that address. Defendant
R.J. Reynolds manufactures, advertises, promotes, markets and sells Camel,
Vantage, Now, Doral, Winston, Sterling, Magna, More, Century, Bright Rite
and Salem cigarettes throughout the United States, including in Kansas.
4. Defendant Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corporation (hereinafter
"Brown & Williamson") is a Delaware corporation, with its
principal place of business at 1500 Brown & Williamson Tower, Louisville,
Kentucky 40232 and may be served with process pursuant to K.S.A. 60-308(e)
at that address. Defendant Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corporation is
a subsidiary or division of Batus Holdings, Inc. and Defendant B.A.T. Industries,
P.L.C. Defendant Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corporation manufactures,
advertises, promotes, markets and sells Kool, Barclay, BelAir, Capri, Raleigh,
Richland, Laredo, Eli Cutter and Viceroy cigarettes throughout the United
States, including in Kansas.
5. Defendant B.A.T. Industries, P.L.C. (hereinafter "B.A.T. Industries")
is a British corporation with its principal place of business at Windsor
House, 50 Victoria Street, London, England SWIH ONL and may be served with
process at said address pursuant to the Hague Convention through Plaintiff's
counsel. Through a succession of intermediary corporations and holding
companies, Defendant B.A.T. Industries, P.L.C. is the sole shareholder
of Defendant Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corporation. Through Defendant
Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corporation, Defendant B.A.T. Industries,
P.L.C. has placed cigarettes into the stream of commerce with the expectation
and the intention that substantial sales of cigarettes would be made in
the United States, including in Kansas. In addition, Defendant B.A.T. Industries,
P.L.C. as a principal, or through its agents and/or co-conspirators, conducted
significant and critical research for Defendant Brown & Williamson
Tobacco Corporation on the issues of smoking and health in humans. Further,
Defendant Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corporation is believed to have
sent to England the results of research that it conducted in the United
States on the issue of smoking and health in humans in an attempt to remove
sensitive and inculpatory documents from the jurisdiction of United States
courts in Kansas and elsewhere. These documents were and are subject to
the control of Defendant B.A.T. Industries, P.L.C. Defendant B.A.T. Industries,
P.L.C. has been involved in the conspiracy alleged herein and the actions
of Defendant B.A.T. Industries, P.L.C. have effected and caused harm in
Kansas.
6. Defendant Lorillard Tobacco Company (hereinafter "Lorillard")
is a Delaware corporation whose principal place of business is located
at 1 Park Avenue, New York, New York 10016 and may be served with process
pursuant to K.S.A. 60- 308(e) at that address. Defendant Lorillard Tobacco
Company manufactures, advertises, promotes, markets and sells Old Gold,
Kent, Triumph, Satin, Max, Spring, Newport and True cigarettes throughout
the United States, including in Kansas.
7. Defendant The American Tobacco Company (hereinafter "American
Tobacco") is a Delaware corporation whose principal place of business
is located at Six Stamford Forum, Stamford, Connecticut 06904 and may be
served with process pursuant to K.S.A. 60-308(e) at that address. Defendant
The American Tobacco Company is or was a subsidiary or division of American
Brands, Inc. Defendant The American Tobacco Company manufactures, advertises,
promotes, markets and sells Lucky Strike, Pall Mall, Tareyton, Malibu,
American, Montclair, Newport, Misty, Barclay, Iceberg, Silk Cut, Silva
Thins, Sobrania, Bull Durham and Carlton cigarettes throughout the United
States, including in Kansas. On December 21, 1994, Defendant The American
Tobacco Company was purchased by Defendant B.A.T. Industries, P.L.C. who,
on information and belief, has succeeded to the liabilities of Defendant
The American Tobacco Company by operation of law, or as a matter of fact.
8. Defendant Hill & Knowlton, Inc. (hereinafter "Hill &
Knowlton") is a New York corporation whose principal place of business
is located at 420 Lexington Avenue, New York, New York 10070 and may be
served with process pursuant to K.S.A. 60-308(e) at that address. Defendant
Hill & Knowlton, Inc. is an international public relations firm. Defendant
Hill & Knowlton, Inc. played an active and knowing role in the conspiracy
complained of herein by aiding the circulation and/or publication of many
false statements of the tobacco industry attributable to the Tobacco Industry
Research Committee and the Defendant Council for Tobacco Research.
9. Defendant The Council for Tobacco Research - U.S.A., Inc. (hereinafter
"CTR"), successor in interest to the Tobacco Industry Research
Committee ("TIRC"), is a nonprofit corporation organized under
the laws of the State of New York with its principal place of business
at 900 3rd Avenue, New York, New York 10022 and may be served with process
pursuant to K.S.A. 60-308(e) at that address. Defendant The Council for
Tobacco Research-U.S.A., Inc. was created by the tobacco company defendants
to disseminate false information regarding the health risks and hazards
of smoking.
10. Defendant The Tobacco Institute, Inc. (hereinafter "Tobacco
Institute") is a New York corporation whose principal place of business
is located at 1875 "I" Street, N.W., Suite 800, Washington, D.C.
20006 and may be served with process pursuant to K.S.A. 60- 308(c) at that
address. Defendant The Tobacco Institute, Inc. has since its incorporation
in 1958, operated as the public relations and lobbying arm of the Tobacco
Companies.
11. Defendants John Doe Entities "A" Through "Z"
are business entities, both Kansas and foreign, whose identities are presently
unknown to the State but who may be described as certain manufacturers
and distributors, and/or certain of their trade organizations, public relations
firms, law firms and other such entities that, at all pertinent times,
manufactured, tested, designed, promoted, marketed, packaged, sold, distributed,
and/or purposely placed into the stream of commerce in and into the State,
various brands of cigarettes, or, in the course of business, materially
participated with, conspired with and/or otherwise aided, abetted and assisted
others in so doing, all to the detriment of the State as alleged herein.
12. The defendants listed herein, and/or their predecessors and/or their
successors in interest, are either organized under the laws of (i) Kansas
or (ii) a state other than Kansas, or (iii) are partnerships or other unincorporated
associations with principal places of business both within and without
Kansas and are each subject to suit. All Defendants have established relationships
with the State within the contemplation of the Kansas Statutes Annotated
adequate to constitute a sufficient basis of personal jurisdiction under
K.S.A. 60-308(b).
13. Philip Morris Incorporated (Philip Morris U.S.A.), R.J. Reynolds
Tobacco Company, Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corporation, B.A.T. Industries,
P.L.C., Lorillard Tobacco Company, The American Tobacco Company, Liggett
Group, Inc. and certain of the "A" Through "Z" entities
(Doe Defendants) collectively are referred to hereinafter as "The
Tobacco Companies."
14. The Council for Tobacco Research-U.S.A. Inc., (successor to The
Tobacco Institute Research Committee) and The Tobacco Institute, Inc.,
collectively are referred to hereinafter as "The Tobacco Trade Associations."
15. Hill & Knowlton, Inc. and certain of the "A" through
"Z" entities (Doe Defendants) collectively are referred to hereinafter
as "The Tobacco Consultants. "
16. Shook, Hardy & Bacon, P.C. and Jacob, Medinger & Finnegan
and certain of the "A" Through "Z" entities (Doe Defendants)
collectively are referred to hereinafter as "The Tobacco Attorneys."
17. At all pertinent times, Defendants acted through their duly authorized
agents, servants, and employees who were then acting in the course and
scope of their employment, and in furtherance of the businesses of said
Defendants. At all pertinent times, the Tobacco Attorneys and the Tobacco
Trade Associations were the agents, servants, and/or employees of the Tobacco
Companies and acted within the scope of said agency, servitude and/or employment.
At all pertinent times, the Tobacco Consultants were the agents, servants,
and/or employees of the Tobacco Companies and/or the Tobacco Trade Associations
and acted within the scope of said agency, servitude and/or employment.
18. The Defendants listed above, and/or their predecessors and successors
in interest, did business in the State of Kansas; made contracts to be
performed in whole or in part in Kansas; and/or manufactured, tested, sold,
offered for sale, supplied or placed in the stream of commerce, or in the
course of business materially participated with others in so doing, cigarettes
which the defendants knew to be defective, unreasonably dangerous and hazardous.
Defendants further knew such cigarettes would be substantially certain
to cause injury to the State and to persons within the State thereby negligently
and/or willfully and or intentionally causing injury to persons within
Kansas and to the State, and as described herein, committed and continue
to commit tortious and other unlawful acts in and with consequences in
the State of Kansas.
19. Each Defendant is sued individually as a primary violator and as
a coconspirator and aider and abettor, and the liability of each arises
from the fact that each Defendant entered into an agreement with the other
Defendants and third parties to pursue, and knowingly pursued, the common
course of conduct to commit or participate in the commission of all or
part of the unlawful acts, tortious acts, plans, schemes, transactions,
and artifices to defraud and/or deceive and/or mislead alleged herein.
20. Such acts of conspiracy and aiding and abetting included, among
other things, falsely advertising, marketing, promoting and selling cigarettes
as safe, non-addictive, and not containing levels of nicotine manipulated
by Defendants to cause and maintain addiction.
21. The liability of each Defendant arises from the fact that each committed
and/or engaged in a conspiracy to accomplish the commission of all or part
of the unlawful and/or tortious conduct alleged herein, and/or intentionally,
and/or willfully, knowingly, with evil motive, intent to injure, ill will
and/or fraud and without legal justification or excuse, engaged in the
conduct herein alleged.
22. The Defendants, and/or their predecessors and successors in interest,
performed such acts as were intended to, and did, result in the sale and
distribution of cigarettes and other tobacco products in the State of Kansas
and the use and consumption of cigarettes and other tobacco products by
residents of the State of Kansas.
23. The term "addictive" used in this Petition is synonymous
and interchangeable with the term "dependence-producing"; both
terms refer to the persistent and repetitive intake of psychoactive substances
despite evidence of harm and a desire to quit. Some scientific organizations
have replaced the term "addictive" with "dependence- producing"
to shift the focus to dependent patterns of behavior and away from the
moral and social issues associated with addiction. Both terms are equally
relevant for purposes of understanding the drug effects of nicotine.
II.
Introduction and Nature of the Action
24. The diseases related to and caused by the smoking of cigarettes
have killed millions of Americans over the last several decades, and the
killing continues. In order to earn larger profits, cigarette manufacturers
and their allied interests have chosen to ignore and actively suppress
the truth concerning the hazards of smoking cigarettes. As a direct result,
Kansas citizens entitled to Medicaid benefits and other medical, pharmaceutical
and health care assistance from the State through a variety of State-funded
programs have contracted smoking-related diseases including, without limitation,
cancer, emphysema, and heart disease. The care and treatment of these Kansas
citizens has placed a significant financial burden on the State and its
taxpayers. This fiscal burden on all of Kansas' citizens rightfully should
be borne by the Tobacco Companies and their allied interests.
25. Under the Kansas Constitution and other laws of the State of Kansas,
including, among others, the Social Welfare Act, K.S.A. 39- 701, et seq.,
the State is responsible for the health, safety and welfare of its citizens,
and the Attorney General has the duty to protect the interests of the general
public. The State of Kansas, on the relation of Attorney General Stovall,
brings this action under State law for money damages, civil penalties,
declaratory and injunctive relief, indemnity, restitution, and investigative
fees and expenses. As set forth more particularly below, the various Defendants,
over a long period of time and continuing to the present day, conspired
to deceive the State and its citizens about the addictive properties of
nicotine and the full extent of the health risks of smoking. Every year
in Kansas, several thousand addicted smokers die from using Defendants'
products precisely as Defendants have designed and intended for those products
to be used. Through a well-organized campaign of fraud, lies, intimidation,
and deception, Defendants have avoided legal responsibility for engineering,
manufacturing and selling the most deadly and harmful consumer product
in history, while reaping billions of dollars in profits.
26. In carrying out their conspiracy, the Defendants have committed
numerous fraudulent and unlawful acts, including, but not limited, to the
following:
a. Publicly undertaking, as a "paramount" special responsibility,
the duty of researching and disclosing to public health authorities and
the public at large, including the State of Kansas, the full extent of
the health risks of cigarette smoking, but then suppressing, concealing,
distorting, and lying about the state and extent of their true knowledge
of those risks;
b. Creating, controlling, directing, and/or funding fraudulent "rump"
or "front" organizations, such as the Tobacco Industry Research
Council (later known as the Council for Tobacco Research, a Defendant herein),
which was held out to the public as an independent research organization,
but which was in fact secretly controlled by lawyers and public relations
firms, to prevent the public from learning what the Defendants knew about
the health risks of smoking;
c. Secretly destroying, concealing, and otherwise spoliating and shipping
overseas incriminating evidence of industry testing and research on the
health risks of cigarette smoking and the addictive nature of nicotine,
shutting down laboratories on short notice and making personal threats
against their own scientists who tried to publish research revealing what
the industry actually knew about the risks of smoking, and asserting false
claims of attorney-client privilege and attorney work product privilege
in order to conceal their own damaging scientific research;
d. Engaging in unconscionable and deceptive acts and practices by, among
other things, jointly sponsoring false, deceptive, and misleading advertising,
promotional and public relations campaigns intended to confuse and create
doubt among governmental entities, including the State of Kansas, and the
public about the health risks of cigarette smoking;
e. Jointly and collectively making false, misleading, and sham representations
to Congress, other governmental entices, including the State of Kansas,
and the public regarding the health risks of cigarette smoking, the addictive
nature of nicotine, and the manipulation of nicotine levels in cigarettes,
in order to inundate Congress and other federal and State entities with
false and misleading information on the true risks of cigarette smoking,
and with the intent to defraud, knowing that the State and others would
reasonably rely on their representations;
f. Conspiring to use monopoly power, and using that power to suppress
research into the health effects of smoking and to halt research, development,
marketing and sales of so-called "safer" cigarettes that caused
less biological activity in smokers; and
g. Engaging in unfair trade practices by targeting, marketing and advertising
efforts to promote illegal sales of cigarettes to minors, and developing
products and deceptive advertising campaigns.
27. As a direct and foreseeable result of these and other wrongful actions
by the Defendants, consumers and the State of Kansas have suffered enormous
damages. Over a period of many years, the State has paid hundreds of millions
of dollars in medical assistance for smoking-related health care costs
which would not have been incurred absent Defendants' misconduct. Defendants
created an ongoing public health crisis of unrivaled proportions, all the
while knowing and appreciating full well that the State of Kansas would
be required to pay for the health care costs of its indigent and needy
citizens who suffer from smoking-related illnesses and disease processes.
Under time-honored principles of equity, the State of Kansas is entitled
to restitution and indemnity for the medical assistance funds it has paid,
because under the circumstances, it would be unjust and unconscionable
for the Defendants to retain the benefits the State of Kansas conferred
upon them or to profit in any way from their illegal course of conduct.
Further, by intentionally and/or willfully concealing the risks and hazards
of smoking, Defendants consciously misled, prevented and delayed the State
of Kansas from taking such steps as necessary to avoid certain health care
costs directly attributable to smoking-related illnesses and disease processes.
28. The Defendant Tobacco Companies are a cartel that controls nearly
100% of the market for cigarettes in the United States. Their longstanding
conspiracy to mislead the public about the harmful and addictive effects
of cigarette smoking has placed the Defendants among the most profitable
industries in the world. The breadth and boldness of the conspiracy recently
was displayed before Congress when, in April of 1994, the Chief Executive
Officers of the leading cigarette manufacturers testified under oath that
they do not believe that smoking causes death or that smoking is addictive.
In truth, the Defendants themselves have known for much longer than the
scientific community and public health authorities, including those in
the State of Kansas, that cigarettes are both addictive and deadly.
29. Despite representations to the contrary, Defendant manufacturers
carefully calibrate, control and manipulate nicotine in cigarettes so that
beginning smokers and others will become addicted to nicotine and develop
a physical and psychological dependency that can be satisfied only by cigarette
smoking. As a direct result of Defendants' knowledge of and methods chosen
to manufacture cigarettes, long- term smokers find it extremely difficult
and painful, and in many cases impossible, to withdraw from their physical
dependency on nicotine.
30. With ,full knowledge that they are selling an addictive and deadly
product, Defendants deliberately and willfully advertise, promote and market
cigarettes in such a way as to target promising markets of new smokers,
such as minors. Every day, according to reputable studies, 3,000 American
youths are seduced by Defendants' unconscionable, unfair and misleading
advertising and marketing ploys and start smoking, each then becoming a
potential addict and life-long profit center for the Defendants.
31. Despite the particularly harmful health consequences of smoking
for women, Defendants target advertising to this segment of the population.
For women, smoking reduces fertility, increases the rate of miscarriages
and stillbirths, retards uterine fetal growth and results in lower birth
weights in infants. Yet Defendants have targeted and continue to target
young women with advertising campaigns designed to appeal psychologically
to this group of potential smokers.
32. These outrageous marketing strategies further the conspiracy to
distort the truth about cigarette smoking. The net effect of Defendants'
unlawful, deceptive, and unconscionable conduct, over the past several
decades, has been to convey the message that intensive and thorough scientific
and medical research has uncovered no reliable evidence about the real
health effects of smoking. As described by one industry representative,
Defendants' campaign of deception has been a "brilliantly conceived
and executed" strategy to "creat[e] doubt about the health charge
without actually denying it." Defendants knew that if smokers fully
appreciated the risks of addiction and death, many would never have started
smoking or would have quit, and Defendants would have lost the enormous
profits they accumulated by shifting the costs of their conduct onto the
State of Kansas and others.
33. Armed with coffers full from the highly profitable sale of an addictive
drug, the Defendants have successfully fended off legal attacks with a
litigation strategy of expense, attrition and delay. According to an attorney
for Defendant R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company, "[T]he aggressive posture
we have taken regarding depositions and discovery in general continues
to make these cases extremely burdensome and expensive for plaintiffs'
lawyers, particularly sole practitioners. To paraphrase General Patton,
the way we won these cases was not by spending all of [Reynolds's] money,
but by making that other [expletive] spend all his. "
34. Defendants' conduct has generated a terrible human tragedy. Cigarette
smoking is the leading cause of premature death in the United States. According
to the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, each year cigarette
smoking kills more than 400,000 Americans, exceeding the combined deaths
caused by automobile accidents, AIDS, alcohol abuse, use of illegal drugs,
homicide, suicide, and fires. Smoking-related illnesses account for one
of every five deaths each year in the United States.
35. Cigarette smoking causes, among other serious illnesses, cancer,
pulmonary diseases, and coronary heart disease:
a. Cancer -- Many chemicals in cigarette smoke have been determined
to be carcinogenic. Cigarette smoking is responsible for at least 30% of
all deaths from cancer. Cigarette smoking causes more than 85% of all lung
cancer, which has now surpassed breast cancer as the primary cause of death
from cancer among women. Smoking is linked to cancers of the mouth, larynx,
esophagus, stomach, pancreas, uterus, cervix, kidney and colon, among others.
b. Pulmonary Disease -- Smoking is the cause of more than 80% of deaths
from pulmonary diseases such as emphysema and bronchitis. These diseases
have a particularly profound social impact because of the prolonged and
extended suffering and disability of their victims.
c. Heart Disease - Cigarette smoking is one of the major independent
causes of coronary heart disease. Smoking is also responsible for thousands
of deaths from cardiovascular disease, including stroke, heart attack,
peripheral vascular disease and aortic aneurysm.
36. The impact of cigarette smoking on the nation is staggering. In
May of 1993, the Office of Technology Assessment advised the United States
Congress that in 1990 smoking related illnesses cost United States taxpayers
a total of approximately $68 billion, broken down as follows: $20.8 billion
in direct costs; $6.9 billion in indirect costs for morbidity; $40.3 billion
indirect cost for mortality.
37. The State of Kansas greatly bears the horrible human and financial
costs of cigarette smoking. Thousands of Kansas citizens die each year
from smoking-related diseases, and the costs related to smoking in Kansas
are in the hundreds of millions of dollars each year.
38. The State of Kansas seeks monetary damages, civil penalties, declaratory
and injunctive relief, restitution, indemnity, investigative fees, costs,
and other appropriate relief for the Defendants' wrongful conduct as described
and alleged in this Petition. The State also seeks injunctive relief to
require the Defendants to cease marketing tobacco products to children,
seeks an Order requiring the Defendants to disclose their research on smoking,
addiction and health, and requiring the Defendants to fund a remedial public
education campaign on the true health consequences of smoking, and requiring
the Defendants to fund smoking cessation programs for nicotine dependent
smokers who look to the State for provision of their health care.
III.
Jurisdiction and Venue
39. This Court has jurisdiction over the subject matter of this action
pursuant to, among other authority, the provisions of K.S.A. 50-101 et
seq. (the Kansas Antitrust Act) and the Kansas Consumer Protection Act.
The Court has personal jurisdiction over the nonresident Defendants pursuant
to, among other authority, the provisions of K.S.A. 60-308(b).
40. Venue is proper in the District Court of Shawnee County, Kansas,
pursuant to, among other authority, the Kansas Antitrust Act and the Kansas
Consumer Protection Act.
IV.
Relevant Market
41. For the purposes of this action, the sale of cigarettes is the relevant
product market. The relevant geographic markets are the United States and
the State of Kansas.
V.
Common Factual Allegations
42. Senior tobacco industry executives have been quoted as acknowledging
the addictive nature of cigarettes. F. Ross Johnson, former CEO of R.J.
Reynolds was quoted in the October 6, 1994 edition of The Wall Street Journal
as saying: "Of course it's addictive. That's why you smoke the stuff."
In a 1963 document which was revealed in Congressional hearings in 1994,
Addison Yeaman, Brown & Williamson's General Counsel, wrote: "We
are, then, in the business of selling nicotine, an addictive drug...."
43. On April 14, 1994, each of the chief executives of The Tobacco Companies
swore by his oath that he believed nicotine is not addictive. Testifying
before the House Subcommittee on Health and the Environment of the Committee
on Energy and Commerce, chaired by Congressman Henry Waxman, these executives
misrepresented their companies' knowledge about the health risks of smoking,
nicotine addiction, and nicotine manipulation in the cigarette manufacturing
process. William I. Campbell, then President and CEO of Philip Morris stated
that "Philip Morris does not manipulate nor independently control
the level of nicotine in our products."; that "Cigarette smoking
is not addictive."; and "Philip Morris research does not establish
that smoking is addictive." James W. Johnston, R.J. Reynolds' CEO
said that "Smoking is no more addictive than coffee, tea or Twinkies."
Andrew Tisch, then CEO of Lorillard, asserted that smoking does not cause
death: "We have looked at the data and the data that we have been
able to see has all been statistical data that has not convinced me that
smoking causes death."
44. In fact, research conducted by Philip Morris scientists - which
Philip Morris and other Defendants attempted to suppress -- has demonstrated,
in the scientists' own words, that nicotine is addictive "on a level
comparable to cocaine." High-ranking executives in the tobacco industry
have privately acknowledged, since the early 1960s, that nicotine is an
addictive drug. For example, Addison Yeaman, General Counsel at Brown &
Williamson, wrote in an internal memorandum in 1963: "Moreover, nicotine
is addictive. We are, then, in the business of selling nicotine, an addictive
drug effective in the release of stress mechanisms." And in 1962,
the Scientific Advisor to the Board of Directors of British American Tobacco
Company ("BATCO"), Brown & Williamson's parent company, stated
that "smoking is a habit of addiction" and that "[n]icotine
is not only a very fine drug, but the technique of administration by smoking
has considerable psychological advantages...." He subsequently described
Brown & Williamson as being "in the nicotine rather than the tobacco
industry."
45. The Tobacco Company executives' false Congressional testimony about
nicotine is but the most recent episode in the industry's campaign, spanning
50 years, to sow confusion and misinformation about the true health effects
of smoking. As described in various internal memoranda of tobacco industry
executives, the scheme has been "a brilliantly conceived and executed"
strategy to "creat[e] doubt about the health charge without actually
denying it."
A. The Tobacco Industry Conspiracy to Deceive the Public About Disease
and Death
46. Although tobacco in various forms has been consumed by Americans
for many, many years, it was not until the 19th century that an easily
inhalable tobacco product, the cigarette, became widely popular. Cigarette
smoking increased dramatically in the first half of the 20th century. As
early as 1946, tobacco company chemists themselves reported concern for
the health of smokers. A 1946 letter from a Lorillard chemist to its manufacturing
committee states: "Certain scientists and medical authorities have
claimed for many years that the use of tobacco contributes to cancer development
in susceptible people. Just enough evidence has been presented to justify
the possibility of such a presumption." Neither this letter nor the
information it contained was ever voluntarily released to the public.
1. Claiming Cigarette's Are Healthful
47. Industry spokesmen referred to these and similar reports as "the
health scare," and throughout the 1930s through the 1950s, countered
with express advertising claims and warranties as to the healthfulness
of their products. These claims were knowingly and/or recklessly false,
misleading, deceptive, unconscionable, and/or fraudulent. Examples of these
health warranties appear in the following paragraphs 48 through 54.
48. Old Gold reacted to early medical studies with the slogan: "If
pleasure's your aim, not medical claims..." and made claims such as
"Old Gold -- Not a cough in a Carload."
49. R.J. Reynolds claimed that there was "Not a single case of
throat irritation due to smoking Camels."
50. Philip Morris brand was held out as "The Throat-tested cigarette"
on the basis of supposed studies showing that Philip Morris brand cigarettes
were less irritating. An ad by the company in a 1943 issue of the National
Medical Journal read: "'Don't smoke' is advice hard for patients to
swallow. May we suggest instead 'Smoke Philip Morris?' Tests showed three
out of every four cases of smokers' cough cleared on changing to Philip
Morris. Why not observe the results yourself?"
51. In 1942, Brown & Williamson claimed that Kools would keep the
head clear and/or give extra protection against colds.
52. In 1952, Liggett & Myers widely publicized the "results"
of tests showing that "smoking Chesterfields would have no adverse
effects on the throat, sinuses or affected organs." The tests were
conducted by Arthur D. Little, Inc. for advertising purposes and were designed
to have no real scientific value. These ads ran, among other places, on
the nationally popular Arthur Godfrey radio and television show. Arthur
Godfrey subsequently contracted lung cancer caused by smoking cigarettes.
53. Ads from the 1930s and 1940s often carried wide-ranging medical
claims that placed cigarette-touting physicians in the company of endorsers
such as Santa Claus ("Luckies are easy on my throat"), movie
stars, sports heroes, and circus stars. Some companies hired attractive
women to deliver cigarette samples to physicians and the patients in their
waiting rooms.
54. In the New York State Journal of Medicine, Chesterfield ads began
running in 1933 and often carried claims such as "Just as pure as
the water you drink...and practically untouched by human hands."
55. During the 1950s, Defendants attempted to counter the "health
scare" with campaigns like "The Filter Derby" and "Tar
Wars," making false and fraudulent warranties of health claims based
on tar and nicotine content.
56. Defendants sponsored cigarette ads in medical journals such as the
Journal of the American Medical Association ("JAMA") from the
1930s through the 1950s. After the appearance of landmark studies such
as the 1952 JAMA article on smoking and bronchial carcinoma by Alton Ocshner,
M.D., JAMA ceased running cigarette ads.
2. The Conspiracy is Born to Counter "The Big Scare"
57. The industry conspiracy became much more sophisticated and began
in earnest in the 1950s, when the Tobacco Companies were confronted with
the publication of several scientific studies which sounded grave warnings
on the health hazards of cigarettes. The widespread reporting of these
studies caused what Tobacco Company officials later called the "Big
Scare."
58. Confronted with the studies, the presidents of the leading Tobacco
Companies met at an extraordinary gathering in the Plaza Hotel in New York
City on December 15, 1953. Defendant Hill & Knowlton, a public relations
agency, coordinated the meeting and later prepared a memorandum summarizing
the discussions of that day. According to the Hill & Knowlton memorandum:
a. The companies had not met together since two previous antitrust decrees
had prohibited "many group activities." However the companies
viewed the current problem "as being extremely serious and worth of
drastic action."
b. Another indication of the seriousness of the problem was "that
salesmen in the industry are frantically alarmed and that the decline in
tobacco stocks on the stock exchange market has caused grave concern...."
c. The situation was viewed entirely in terms of a public relations
problem, as opposed to a public health concern. The industry leaders "feel
that the problem is one of promoting cigarettes and protecting them from
these and other attacks that may be expected in the future" and that
the industry "should sponsor a public relations campaign which is
positive in nature and is entirely 'pro-cigarettes.'"
d. All of the leading manufacturers, except Liggett, agreed to "go
along" with the public relations strategy. Liggett decided not to
participate at that time "because that company feels that the proper
procedure is to ignore the whole controversy."
e. The group discussed forming an association "specifically charged
with the public relations function."
f. Hill & Knowlton was to play a central role in the industry association.
"The current plans are for Hill and Knowlton to serve as the operating
agency of the companies, hiring all the staff and disbursing all funds."
59. Thus, the Tobacco Industry Research Committee ("TIRC"),
eventually renamed as The Council for Tobacco Research ("CTR"),
was conceived and born with five of the largest six cigarette manufacturers
as original members. Liggett finally joined in 1964, in response to the
Surgeon General's first report on smoking and health.
60. Nine days after the December 15, 1953 meeting, Hill and Knowlton
presented a detailed recommendation to the cigarette manufacturers and
others. The recommendation recognized the importance of gaining the public
trust, and avoiding the appearance of bias, if the "pro-cigarette"
industry strategy was to be successful. According to the memorandum:
a. "[T]he grave nature of a number of recently highly publicized
research reports on the effects of cigarette smoking... have confronted
the industry with a serious problem of public relations."
b. "It is important that the industry do nothing to appear in the
light of being callous to considerations of health or of belittling medical
research which goes against cigarettes."
c. "The situation is one of extreme delicacy. There is much at
stake and the industry group, in moving into the field of public relations,
needs to exercise great care not to add fuel to the flames."
3. The "Frank Statement to Cigarette Smokers" -a Scheme to
Defraud Consumers
61. The cigarette industry announced the formation of TIRC on January
4, 1954, with newspaper advertisements placed in virtually every city with
a population of 50,000 or more, reaching a circulation of more than 43
million Americans. The advertisement was captioned "A Frank Statement
to Cigarette Smokers" and was run under the auspices of TIRC with,
among others, five of the largest six manufacturers -- American Tobacco
Co., R.J. Reynolds, Philip Morris, U.S. Tobacco Co., Lorillard, and Brown
& Williamson Tobacco Corporation -- listed by name. The advertisement
promised that Defendants would undertake the responsibility of learning
and disclosing the facts about smoking.
RECENT REPORTS on experiments with mice have given wide publicity to
a theory that cigarette smoking is in some way linked with lung cancer
in human beings.
Although conducted by doctors of professional standing, these experiments
are not regarded as conclusive in the field of cancer research. However,
we do not believe that any serious medical research, even though its results
are inconclusive, should be disregarded or lightly dismissed.
At the same time, we feel it is in the public interest to call attention
to the fact that eminent doctors and research scientists have publicly
questioned the claimed significance of these experiments.
Distinguished authorities point out:
1. That medical research of recent years indicates many possible causes
of lung cancer.
2. That there is no agreement among the authorities regarding what the
cause is.
3. That there is no proof that cigarette smoking is one of the causes.
4. That statistics purporting to link cigarette smoking with the disease
could apply with equal force to any one of many other aspects of modern
life. Indeed the validity of the statistics themselves is questioned by
numerous scientists.
We accept an interest in people's health as a basic responsibility,
paramount to every other consideration in our business.
We believe the products we make are not injurious to health.
We always have and always will cooperate closely with those whose task
it is to safeguard the public health.
For more than 300 years tobacco has given solace, relaxation, and enjoyment
to mankind. At one time or another during those years critics have held
it responsible for practically every disease of the human body. One by
one these charges have been abandoned for lack of evidence.
Regardless of the record of the past, the fact that cigarette smoking
today should even be suspected as a cause of a serious disease is a matter
of deep concern to us.
Many people have asked us what we are doing to meet the public's concern
aroused by the recent reports. Here is the answer:
1. We are pledging aid and assistance to the research effort into all
phases of tobacco use and health. This joint financial aid will of course
be in addition to what is already being contributed by individual companies.
2. For this purpose we are establishing a joint industry group consisting
initially of the undersigned. This group will be known as TOBACCO INDUSTRY
RESEARCH COMMITTEE.
3. In charge of the research activities of the Committee will be a scientist
of unimpeachable integrity and national repute. In addition there will
be an Advisory Board of scientists disinterested in the cigarette industry.
A group of distinguished men from medicine, science, and education will
be invited to serve on this Board. These scientists will advise the Committee
on its research activities.
This statement is being issued because we believe the people are entitled
to know where we stand on this matter and what we intend to do about it.
62. In this advertisement, the participating Defendant Tobacco Companies
recognized their "special responsibility" to the public, and
promised to learn the facts about smoking and health. The participating
Defendant Tobacco Companies promised to sponsor independent research on
the subject, claiming they would make health a basic responsibility, paramount
to any other consideration in their business. The participating Defendant
Tobacco Companies also promised to cooperate closely with public health
officials. At the time these promises were made, Defendants had no intent
to honor their promises. They have repeatedly breached their promises thus
made to the public, including their promises made to the public health
officials and citizens of Kansas.
4. "Scientific Research" as a Public Relations Front: Control
of TIRC by Hill & Knowlton
63. As had been proposed at the December 15, 1953 meeting, Defendant
Tobacco Companies (without Liggett), through their agent Defendant Hill
& Knowlton, operated and effectively controlled TIRC.
64. TIRC was physically established in the Empire State Building, one
floor below the Hill & Knowlton offices. Internal documents confirm
that Hill & Knowlton, and not independent scientists, actually ran
TIRC. A "highly confidential" internal memo reported:
"Since the [TIRC] had no headquarters and no staff, Hill and Knowlton,
Inc. was asked to provide a working staff and temporary office space. As
a first organizational step, public relations counsel assigned one of its
experienced executives, W.T. Hoyt, to serve as account executive and handle
as one of his functions the duties of executive secretary for the [TIRC]"
65.In 1954, 35 staff members of Hill and Knowlton worked full or part
time for TIRC.In that year, TIRC spent $477,955.00 on payments to Hill
and Knowlton, over 5096 of TIRC's entire budget.
66. After lulling the public into a false sense of security concerning
smoking and health, the TIRC continued to act as a front for tobacco industry
interests. Despite the initial public statements and posturing, and the
repeated assertions that they were committed to full disclosure and vitally
concerned, the TIRC secretly failed to make the public health a primary
concern. The Tobacco Trade Associations acted at the direction of the Tobacco
Companies and the Tobacco Consultants to protect tobacco industry profits,
and did not act to protect the public health. In fact, there was a coordinated,
industry-wide strategy designed actively to mislead and confuse the public
about the true dangers associated with smoking cigarettes. Rather than
work for the good of the public health as it had promised, and sponsor
independent research, the Tobacco Companies and Tobacco Consultants, acting
through the Tobacco Trade Associations, refuted, undermined, distorted,
concealed and neutralized information coming from the scientific and medical
community.
67. By the spring of 1955, the self-defense strategy recommended by
Hill and Knowlton and implemented by the Defendants through the "Frank
Statement" was largely successful. Hill and Knowlton reported to TIRC:
a. "progress has been made"... "The first big scare continues
on the wane."
b. The research program of the [TIRC] has won wide acceptance in the
scientific world as a sincere, valuable and scientific effort."
c. "Positive stories are on the ascendancy."
5. The True Nature of the CTR
68. Since its inception, the CTR has functioned as a remarkably effective
vehicle to perpetuate the deception that the health risks of smoking and
nicotine addiction have never been proven. The industry has congratulated
itself on a brilliantly conceived and executed strategy to create doubt
about the charge that cigarette smoking is deleterious to health without
actually denying it. A 1962 memo stated that the industry had handled the
"Big Scare" effectively, by treating the public health threat
as a public relations problem that was solved for the self- preservation
of the industry's image and profit. One Defendant's executive called the
CTR the best, cheapest insurance the tobacco industry can buy, noting that
with it, Defendants would have to invent CTR or would be dead.
69. In 1993, a former 24-year employee of CTR confirmed publicly that
the joint industry research efforts were not objective: "When CTR
researchers found out that cigarettes were bad and it was better not to
smoke, we didn't publicize that. The CTR is just a lobbying thing. We were
lobbying for cigarettes."
6. The Lawyers' Control of Scientific Research
70. The Defendants have used lawyers and fraudulent, deceptive, unconscionable,
and false claims of Attorney/Client privilege and Work Product to insulate
CTR-funded research projects from disclosure to the public and to government
officials. This conduct demonstrates the falsity of the industry representations
jointly to fund objective research and to report the results of that research
to the public.
71. CTR used the term "Special Projects" to mean a project
that carried a risk of a negative result that might have to be suppressed.
"Special Projects" were selected and monitored by Tobacco Attorneys
to prevent disclosure. One Philip Morris official characterized CTR as
a "front" for performing "special projects."
72. Notes prepared at a 1981 meeting of the cigarette industry's Committee
of General Counsel state: "When we started the CTR Special Projects,
the idea was that the scientific director of CTR would review a project.
If he liked it, it was a CTR special project. If he did not like it, then
it became a lawyers' special project.... We were afraid of discovery for
FTC and Aviado, we wanted to protect it under the lawyers. We did not want
it out in the open."
73. The sole purpose of this "Special Projects" division within
CTR was to conceal research that was harmful to the tobacco industry and
to promote and develop research and expert witnesses needed for the defense
of tort litigation. Incriminating reports and documents contained within
this division were passed through the Tobacco Attorneys and are now claimed
by Defendants to be privileged.
74. CTR-sponsored research projects were directed away from research
that might add to the evidence against smoking. When CTR- sponsored research
did produce unfavorable results, however, the information was distorted
or simply suppressed. For example, Dr. Freddy Homburger, a researcher in
Cambridge, Massachusetts, undertook a study of smoke exposure on hamsters.
According to Dr. Homburger, he received a grant from CTR which was changed
half- way through the study to a contract "so they could control publication
-- they were quite open about that." Dr. Homburger has testified that
when the study was completed in 1974, the Scientific Director of CTR and
a CTR lawyer "didn't want us to call anything cancer" and that
they threatened Dr. Homburger with "never get[ting] a penny more"
if his paper was published without deleting the word cancer.
75. An internal CTR document describes how Dr. Homburger attempted to
call a press conference about the incident and how CTR stopped it: "He...
was to tell the press that the tobacco industry was attempting to suppress
important scientific information about the harmful effects of smoking.
He was going to point specifically at CTR. I arranged later that evening
for it to be canceled. Homburger was given a cordial welcome and nicely
hastened out the door. P.S. I doubt if you or Tom will want to retain this
note."
76. Not content with the holding strategy employed by the TIRC and the
CTR, Defendants advocated a more offensive role through their lobbying
arm, the Tobacco Institute. This tobacco industry-supported group actively
seeks to increase doubt about the negative health effects of smoking by
suggesting that there are alternative explanations to the data. One "theory"
detailed how individual genetic makeups predisposed individuals to illnesses.
Another, the "multi-factorial hypothesis," asserted that multiple
factors should be blamed, i.e., food additives, viruses, occupational hazards,
air pollution or stress, for causing cancer. The tobacco industry financed,
supported and encouraged the manufacture of fraudulent science.
7. Tobacco Industry Concealment and Disinformation
77. On February 6, 1992, United States District Court Judge H. Lee Sarokin
for the District of New Jersey issued an opinion in Haines v. Liggett Group,
Inc., Civ. Action 84-678. After reviewing 1500 documents in camera, Judge
Sarokin noted that "In 1954, the tobacco industry promised to disseminate
the results of industry-sponsored, independent scientific research for
the purpose of answering the question: 'Does cigarette smoking cause illness?'
To fulfill its promise, the tobacco industry proffered the allegedly 'independent'
research organization, the Council for Tobacco Research (the CTR), which
purportedly would examine the risks of smoking and report its findings
to the public." After his review of the withheld documents, Judge
Sarokin concluded that Defendants had intentionally breached their promises
to the public:
"Despite the industry's promise to engage independent researchers
to explore the dangers of cigarette smoking and to publicize their findings
the evidence clearly suggests the research was not independent; that potentially
adverse results were shielded under the caption of 'special projects';
that the attorney-client privilege was intentionally employed to guard
against such unwanted disclosure; and that the promise of full disclosure
was never meant to be honored, and never was."
78. As a result of this finding, Judge Sarokin went on to note that
Defendants' actions constituted a fraud:
"A jury might reasonably conclude that the industry's announcement
of proposed independent research into the dangers of smoking and its promise
to disclose its findings was nothing but a public relations ploy -- a fraud
-- to deflect the growing evidence against the industry, to encourage smokers
to continue and non-smokers to begin, and to reassure the public that adverse
information would be disclosed."
8. Continued False Promises to the Public
79. Using CTR as a "front," Defendants pursued a public disinformation
strategy to confuse and mislead public health authorities and the public
about the true health risks of cigarette smoking.
80. Defendants created a publication called Tobacco and Health (later,
Tobacco and Health Research), distributed it to the press, doctors, and
health officials, to disseminate false information and generate confusion
over the causal connection between cigarette smoking and disease. The "Criteria
For Selection" of articles for publication included an example of
"a report in which smoking-associated diseases are questioned. "
81. The deceptions of the 1954 "Frank Statement to Cigarette Smokers"
were renewed and repeated by the industry. R.J. Reynolds Chairman Bowman
Gray told Congress in 1964: "If it is proven that cigarettes are harmful,
we want to do something about it regardless of what somebody else tells
us to do. And we should do our level best. It's only human."
82. The January 15, 1968 issue of True Magazine contained an article
written by Stanley Frank called, "To Smoke or Not to Smoke -- That
is Still the Question." The article dismissed the evidence against
smoking as "inconclusive and inaccurate" and claimed that "[s]tatistics
alone link cigarettes with lung cancer... it is not accepted as scientific
proof of the cause and effect." A few months later, a similar but
shorter article appeared in the National Enquirer entitled "Cigarette
Cancer Link is Bunk" written by "Charles Golden" (a fictitious
name commonly used by the Enquirer). The real author was Stanley Frank.
Two million reprints of the True Magazine article were distributed to physicians,
scientists, journalists, government officials, and other opinion leaders
with a small card which stated, "As a leader in your profession and
community, you will be interested in reading this story from the January
issue of True Magazine about one of today's controversial issues."
The cost for this was paid by Brown and Williamson, Philip Morris and R.J.
Reynolds. It was subsequently disclosed that author Frank had been paid
$500 to write the article by Joseph Field, a public relations professor
working for Brown and Williamson. Brown and Williamson reimbursed Field
for that amount.
83. In 1970, the Tobacco Institute ran an advertisement captioned "A
Statement about Tobacco and Health," which stated:
a. "We recognize that we have a special responsibility to the public
-- to help scientists determine the facts about tobacco and health, and
about certain diseases that have been associated with tobacco use."
b. "We accepted this responsibility in 1954 by establishing the
Tobacco Industry Research Committee, which provides research grants to
independent scientists. We pledge continued support of this program of
research until all the facts are known."
c. "Scientific advisors inform us that until much more is known
about such diseases as lung cancer, medical science probably will not be
able to determine whether tobacco or any other single factor plays a causative
role -- or whether such a role might be direct or indirect, incidental
or important."
d. "We shall continue all possible efforts to bring the facts to
light."
84. Also, in 1970, the Tobacco Institute ran an advertisement captioned,
"The question about smoking and health is still a question."
In this advertisement, the Tobacco Institute stated:
a. "[A] major portion of this scientific inquiry has been financed
by the people who know the most about cigarettes and have a great desire
to learn the truth... the tobacco industry.
b. "[T]he industry has committed itself to this task in the most
objective and scientific way possible."
c. "In the interest of absolute objectivity, the tobacco industry
has supported totally independent research efforts with completely nonrestrictive
funding."
d. "Completely autonomous, CTR's research is directed by a board
of ten scientists and physicians.... This board has full authority and
responsibility for policy, development and direction of the research effort."
e. "The findings are not secret."
f. "From the beginning, the tobacco industry has believed that
the American people deserve objective, scientific answers. "
85. Again, in 1970, the Tobacco Institute stated, "The Tobacco
Institute believes that the American public is entitled to complete, authenticated
information about cigarette smoking and health." The Tobacco Institute
further stated that, "The tobacco industry recognizes and accepts
a responsibility to promote the progress of independent scientific research
in the field of tobacco and health."
B. The Tobacco Industry's Knowledge That Smoking Kills
86. In the years following the 1954 "Frank Statement," and
continuing to the present, Defendants have repeatedly acted in breach of
their assumed duty to report objective facts on smoking and health. As
evidence mounted, both through industry research and truly independent
studies, that cigarette smoking causes cancer and other diseases, Defendants
continued publicly to represent that nothing was proven against smoking.
Internal documents show that the truth was very different. Defendants knew
and acknowledged internally the veracity of scientific evidence of the
health hazards of smoking, and at the same time suppressed such evidence
where they could, and attacked it when it did appear publicly.
87. As early as 1946, Lorillard chemist H.E. Parmele, who later became
Vice President of Research and a member of Lorillard's Board of Directors,
wrote to his company's manufacturing committee: "Certain scientists
and medical authorities have claimed for many years that the use of tobacco
contributes to cancer development in susceptible people. Just enough evidence
has been presented to justify the possibility of such a presumption."
88. A 1956 memorandum from the Vice President of Philip Morris' Research
and Development Department to top executives at the company regarding the
advantages of "ventilated cigarettes" stated that: "Decreased
carbon monoxide and nicotine are related to decreased harm to the circulatory
system as a result of smoking.... Decreased irritation is desirable..as
a partial elimination of a potential cancer hazard."
89. A 1958 memorandum sent to the Vice President of Research at Philip
Morris, who later became a member of its Board of Directors, from a company
researcher stated "the evidence...is building up that heavy cigarette
smoking contributes to lung cancer either alone or in association with
physical and physiological factors...."
90. A 1961 document presented to the Philip Morris research and Development
Committee by the company's Vice President of Research and Development included
a section entitled ""Reduction of Carcinogens in Smoke."
The document stated, in part: "To achieve this objective will require
a major research effort, because carcinogens are found in practically every
class of compounds in smoke. This fact prohibits complete solution of the
problem by eliminating one or two classes of compounds. The best we hope
for is to reduce a particularly bad class, i.e., the polynuclear hydrocarbons,
or phenols.... Flavor substances and carcinogenic substances come from
the same classes, in many instances."
91. A 1963 memorandum to Philip Morris' President and CEO from the company's
Vice President of Research describes a number of classes of compounds in
cigarette smoke which are "known carcinogens." The document goes
on to describe the link between smoking and bronchitis and emphysema. "Irritation
problems are now receiving greater attention because of the general medical
belief that irritation leads to chronic bronchitis and emphysema. These
are serious diseases involving millions of people. Emphysema is often fatal
either directly or through other respiratory complications. A number of
experts have predicted that the cigarette industry ultimately may be in
greater trouble in this area than in the lung cancer field. "
92. Brown & Williamson and its parent company, British American
Tobacco Company, Ltd., researched the health effects of nicotine and were
aware early on, as reported at a B.A.T. Group Research Conference in November
1970, that "nicotine my be implicated in the aetiology [cause] of
cardiovascular disease...."
93. A 1961 "Confidential" memorandum from the consulting research
firm hired by Liggett to do research for the company states: "There
are biologically active materials present in cigarette tobacco. These are:
a) cancer causing; b) cancer promoting; c) poisonous; d) stimulating, pleasurable,
and flavorful."
94. A 1963 memorandum from the Liggett consulting research firm states:
"Basically, we accept the inference of a causal relationship between
the chemical properties of ingested tobacco smoke and the development of
carcinoma, which is suggested by the statistical association shown in the
studies of Doll and Hill, Horn, and Dorn with some reservations and qualifications
and even estimate by how much the incidence of cancer may possibly be reduced
if the carcinogenic matter can be diminished, by a appropriate filter,
by a given percentage."
C. Suppressing the Truth About Cigarettes and Nicotine
95. Not only have Defendants failed to disclose the information they
repeatedly pledged to make public, they have, or the contrary, actively
conspired to suppress research and publication concerning the health risks
of cigarette smoking, and to misstate and distort published research linking
smoking to disease, even going so far as to make personal threats against
the researchers themselves. A CTR director's claim that tobacco industry
scientists could "freely publish what they find as they choose"
was a hollow deception.
1. The Gentlemen's Agreement and the Lawyers' Role in the Conspiracy
96. The actions of Defendants in suppressing and misleading the public
as to the harmful effects of cigarettes stands in sharp contrast to Defendant
Lorillard's 1994 assertion to Congress that the data had still not convinced
its CEO that smoking causes death. The tobacco industry long ago entered
into a "gentlemen's agreement" to suppress independent research
on smoking and health. A 1968 internal Philip Morris draft memo refers
to this conspiratorial agreement: "We have reason to believe that
in spite of gentlemen's agreement from the tobacco industry in previous
years that at least some of the major companies have been increasing biological
studies within their own facilities." This memo also acknowledged
that cigarettes are inextricably intertwined with the health field, stating,
"Most Philip Morris products, both tobacco and non- tobacco, are directly
related to the health field."
97. The industry believed that individual Tobacco Companies were performing
certain research on their own in addition to the joint industry research.
But the fundamental understanding and agreement remained intact: any harmful
information and activities would be restrained, suppressed, and/or concealed.
This secret agreement included restraining, suppressing, and concealing
research on the health effects of smoking, including the addictive qualities
of nicotine, and restraining, concealing, and suppressing the research
and marketing of safer cigarettes.
98. The General Counsel of the major cigarette manufacturers, through
joint meetings to review and direct proposals for scientific research for
the entire industry, furthered the conspiracy of the tobacco industry,
including the Tobacco Attorneys and Tobacco Consultants, to intentionally
mislead and defraud the public about smoking and health. For example, Defendants
have attempted wrongfully to create a privilege for various documents reflecting
scientific research that they wish to conceal by routing such documents
to their legal departments and law firms to support claims that such materials
are protected from disclosure by the Attorney/Client or attorney Work Product
privileges.
99. The Tobacco Attorneys have played a critical role in furthering
the conspiracy to suppress and conceal information about the adverse health
effects caused by the use of tobacco products. The Tobacco Attorneys' strategy
was to attempt to protect damaging tobacco-related documents from disclosure
under the Attorney/Client or Work Product privileges regardless of whether
such documents were prepared in anticipation of litigation or represented
confidential communications made between lawyer and client for the purpose
of rendering legal advice. Lawyers routinely provided a number of non-legal
services to the Defendants such as deciding which CTR "special projects"
should receive funding, dispensing funding to the "scientist"
involved in such projects, and designing the scope and approach of the
special project. The Tobacco Attorneys also undertook to coordinate the
Tobacco Companies' CTR "special projects" subterfuge.
100. The Council for Tobacco Research holds itself out, and has been
held out by the Tobacco Companies and the Tobacco Attorneys, as a research
body sponsoring independent research. Tobacco Attorneys used the TIRC,
predecessor to the CTR, as an industry "shield." The CTR has
acted as a "front" for the Tobacco Companies' litigation and
public relations goals. The Tobacco Attorneys have been instrumental in
this deception.
101. In orchestrating the CTR deception, the Tobacco Attorneys became
deeply involved in the screening, selection, funding, supervision and ultimate
disposition of research projects, channeling sensitive research into "special
projects" and "special accounts." A Tobacco Attorney quoted
in a 1981 internal tobacco industry document said: "When we started
the CTR Special Projects, the idea was that the scientific director of
CTR would review a project. If he liked it, it was a CTR special project.
If he did not like it, then it became a lawyers' special project."
102. As to research which was progressing "satisfactorily"
-- that is turning up no negative results -- the Tobacco Attorneys recommended
it receive additional funding. Research which was troubling, either in
its direction or in its results, was redirected by the Tobacco Attorneys
or terminated.
103. For example, in 1976, a Tobacco Attorney wrote to in-house lawyers
at the various Tobacco Companies that a study to measure environmental
tobacco smoke should be modified in such a way that so that the study would
yield more favorable results for the Tobacco Companies' position. The study
was subsequently modified to de- emphasize the role of second-hand tobacco
smoke relating to indoor environmental quality.
104. A 1980 letter from a Tobacco Attorney to the various General Counsel
of the tobacco industry, recommends a grant to Dr. Domingo Aviado. Although
Shinn states that "[t]his would be a no-strings attached grant and
Dr. Aviado would be free to publish," the role of Tobacco Attorneys
in supervising and ultimately controlling Dr. Aviado's research is clear:
aWe would anticipate a brief report toward the end of this year concerning
the project. Providing the project is progressing satisfactorily, I anticipate
recommending a renewal for a second year and, thereafter, with the same
proviso, for a third year."
105. Indeed, "satisfactory" progress in research is always
the touchstone for the Tobacco Attorneys. A telling 1981 memorandum between
General Counsel J. Kendrick Wells and executive Ernest Pepples of defendant
Brown & Williamson tells of a visit by a Tobacco Attorney to a researcher:
"It was a cordial meeting and Tim believes he has persuaded them to
take a new thrust with their research. The new thrust will have questionable
value but no negative. "
106. In addition, a May 19, 1981 letter from Ernest Pepples, Vice President
and General Counsel of Brown & Williamson, to a Tobacco Attorney requests
that the attorney evaluate the qualifications of various scientists seeking
to conduct scientific studies for Brown & Williamson. The attorney
responded by providing biographical sketches of potential consultants including
whether they previously had taken scientific position favorable to the
industry's position. He also cooperated with Pepples' request in 1984 to
transfer the funding of some helpful research by a cooperative scientist
from a CTR account to a law firm project: "I do not think...that we
should continue burdening CTR with such programs, and instead suggest that
they be handled as law firm projects.
107. In 1972, a Tobacco Attorney wrote to Tobacco Company officials
that a potentially favorable study should be secretly funded by the Tobacco
Companies as a "non-CTR special project" in order to make the
study appear independent of the industry and thus heighten its perception
as unbiased and reliable.
108. Similarly, a Tobacco Attorney wrote a letter to the General Counsel
of the tobacco industry urging them to approve a grant to Dr. Henry Rothschild,
who was doing a study on genetic links to lung cancer. Although CTR had
rejected Dr. Rothschild's request to renew his grant, the attorney urged
funding on the ground that "[h]is research has evolved to a point
where his primary focus was on a possible genetic factor rather than environmental
or occupational factors."
109. The breadth of the involvement of the Tobacco Attorneys in the
selection of research projects to be funded, including those funded by
and through CTR, is reflected in the excerpts from the following letter:
The Research Liaison Committee has not had a meeting since July 1976.
I have had discussion with individual members of the committee about calling
a meeting. It has been suggested that the views of the companies with respect
to the future activities of this committee should first be explored through
the Committee of Counsel.... We may want to discuss research in a larger
context, i.e., what are the industry's present needs? This, of course,
involves consideration of the role of institutional type projects (tobacco,
e.g., Harvard, and nontobacco, e.g., Washington University); the role of
CTR; and the need for specific areas of research with due regard for the
politics of science, the importance of developing witnesses and the need
for a responsive mechanism to meet unfounded claims made about tobacco.
110. In fact, a Tobacco Attorney chaired the Research Liaison Committee,
a committee comprised of representatives of the major manufacturers "to
study the research programs funded by our industry, both through CTR and
independent projects that are brought to us from time to time." This
committee "directed its primary attention to the question of how industry
research should be recommended, decided upon, and supervised in order to
accomplish the objective of an efficient and coordinated program which
would best serve the needs and objectives of the industry." In addition
to Tobacco Attorney involvement in the Research Liaison Committee, Tobacco
Attorneys also sat on the CTR Committee of Counsel and the CTR Ad Hoc Committee.
111. In addition, the Tobacco Attorneys abused the Attorney-Client privilege
and Work Product protections in order to shield Special Projects and special
accounts documents and cover-up the CTR fraud from the public and government
regulators. For example, in notes of a 1981 CTR Committee of Counsel meeting,
transmitted by Tobacco Attorneys, an attorney is quoted as stating:
"With Speilberger, we were afraid of discovery for FTC and Aviado,
we wanted to protect it under the lawyers. We did not want it out in the
open."
112. The Tobacco Attorneys also participated in the suppression of development
of a "safer" cigarette. Attempts by the tobacco industry to develop
a "safer" cigarette inevitably required its researchers to engage
in discussions regarding which constituents of tobacco smoke cause disease
and how they might be eliminated. These discussions greatly concerned the
Tobacco Attorneys because they would lead to statements constituting admissions
that could be used against the Tobacco industry.
113. A 1970 letter from a Tobacco Attorney to DeBaun Bryant, General
Counsel for defendant Brown & Williamson, citing to the minutes of
two research conferences, stated that:
A plaintiff would be greatly benefited by evidence which tended to establish
actual knowledge on the part of a defendant that smoking is generally dangerous
to health, that certain ingredients are dangerous and should be removed,
or that smoking causes a particular disease. This would not only be evidence
that would substantially prove a case against the defendant company for
compensatory damages, but could be considered as evidence of willfulness
or recklessness sufficient to support a claim for punitive damages.
Hardy concludes that "employees in both companies should be informed
of the possible consequences of careless statements on this subject."
In short, the Tobacco Attorneys were arguing that the necessary discussions
for the development of a "safer" cigarette must stop.
114. Likewise, in 1987, a Tobacco Attorney wrote a lengthy memorandum
in which he expressed his concern that defendant R.J. Reynolds' announcement
of a nonburning, "clean" cigarette "could immediately and
significantly increase [tobacco companies'] exposure to liability for sales
of conventional cigarettes." In introducing the product, particularly
right before the start of two key trials, the attorney also questioned
defendant R.J. Reynolds' commitment to "joint defense efforts."
115. By becoming intimately involved in the funding and design of these
scientific studies, these Tobacco Attorneys conspired with the Tobacco
Companies and CTR by (1) clothing such studies in the attorney-client or
work product privilege in order to protect them from disclosure if their
results were unfavorable, and (2) by creating the perception that CTR and
the Tobacco Companies were fairly and appropriately fulfilling their obligations
and promises to the public that they would, in a vigorous and unbiased
manner investigate and report to the public the link between their products
and human disease.
116. In addition, Tobacco Attorneys have destroyed evidence of their
internal research into smoking and health. For example, at a time when
the company was resisting discovery in a number of personal injury lawsuits,
Brown & Williamson's General Counsel, J. Kendrick Wells, recommended
in a memorandum dated January 17, 1985, that much of the company's biological
research be declared "deadwood" and shipped to England. He recommended
that no notes, memos or lists be made about these documents. Wells stated,
"I had marked certain of the document references with an X... which
I suggested were deadwood in the behavioral and biological studies area.
I said that the "B" series are "Janus" series studies
and should also be considered as deadwood." ("Janus" was
a name of a project that attempted to isolate and remove the harmful effects
of tobacco.) Wells further recommended that the research, development,
and engineering department also should undertake "to remove the deadwood
from the files."
117. Thus, the Tobacco Companies and the Tobacco Attorneys have misused
claims of Attorney/Client privilege to insulate CTR-funded research projects
and internal documents from disclosure to the public and to government
officials. This conduct demonstrates the falsity of the Tobacco Companies'
representations that they would jointly fund objective research and report
the results of that research to the public.
2. The "Mouse House" Disappears
118. In the 1960s, R.J. Reynolds established a facility in Winston-
Salem, North Carolina, to perform research on the health effects of smoking
using mice. Nicknamed the "Mouse House," R.J. Reynolds scientists
conducted research in a number of specific areas, including studies of
the actual mechanism whereby smoking causes emphysema in the lungs.
119. The R.J. Reynolds lab made significant progress in understanding
this mechanism. Despite this progress, R.J. Reynolds disbanded the entire
research division in one day, and fired all 26 scientists without notice.
120. Several months before the 1970 closure and firings, R.J. Reynolds
attorneys collected dozens of research notebooks from the scientists. The
notebooks have still not been disclosed. One of the researchers later stated
about R.J. Reynolds' executives and lawyers that "they like to take
the position that you can't prove harm because you don't know mechanism....And
sitting right under their noses is evidence of mechanism[.] What are they
going to do with the stuff? They decided to kill it."
121. Internally, an R.J. Reynolds-commissioned report favorably described
the Mouse House work as "the more important of the smoking and health
research effort because it comes close to determining what was thought
to be the underlying pathobiology of emphysema." None of the work
done at the "Mouse House" was disclosed to the public.
122. In a similar incident, Philip Morris hired Victor DeNoble in 1980
to study nicotine's effects on the behavior of rats and to research and
test potential nicotine analogues. DeNoble, in turn, recruited Paul C.
Mele, a behavioral pharmacologist.
123. DeNoble and Mele discovered that nicotine met two of the hallmarks
of potential addiction -- self administration (rats would press levers
to inject themselves with a nicotine solution) and tolerance (a given dose
of nicotine over time had a reduced effect).
124. However, Philip Morris instructed DeNoble and Mele to keep their
work secret, even from fellow Philip Morris scientists. Test animals were
delivered at dawn and brought from the loading dock to the laboratory under
cover.
125. DeNoble was later told by lawyers for the company that the data
he and Mele were generating could be dangerous. Philip Morris executives
began talking of killing the research or moving it outside of the company
so Philip Morris would have more freedom to disavow the results.
126. In April 1984, Philip Morris closed DeNoble's nicotine research
lab. DeNoble and Mele were forced abruptly to halt their studies, turn
off all their instruments and turn in their security badges by morning.
Philip Morris executives threatened them with legal action if they published
or talked about their nicotine research. According to DeNoble, the lab
literally vanished overnight. The animals were killed, the equipment was
removed, and all traces of the former lab were eliminated.
127. DeNoble has testified "senior research management in Richmond,
VA., as well as top officials at the Philip Morris Company in New York,
continually reviewed our research and approved our research." DeNoble
also stated that these officials were specifically told that nicotine was
a drug of abuse.
128. In August 1983, Philip Morris ordered DeNoble to withdraw from
publication a research paper on nicotine that had already been accepted
for publication after full peer review by the journal Psychopharmacology.
According to DeNoble, the company changed its mind because it did not want
it own research showing nicotine was addictive or harmful to compromise
the company's defense in litigation recently filed against it. He said
that Philip Morris officials had rightly interpreted the suppressed nicotine
studies as showing that, in terms of addictiveness, "nicotine looked
like heroin."
129. Liggett & Myers also refused to disclose research by Dr. Ernest
Wynder showing the cancer causing propensity of cigarettes.
130. Brown & Williamson undertook its potentially sensitive research
on nicotine through a contractor in Geneva, Switzerland, and through British
affiliates at an English lab called Harrogate.
131. In 1963, Brown & Williamson debated internally whether to disclose
to the U.S. Surgeon General, who was preparing his first official report
on smoking and health, what the company knew about the addictiveness of
nicotine and the adverse effects of smoking on health. Addison Yeamon,
General Counsel, advised Brown & Williamson to "accept its responsibility"
and disclose its findings to the Surgeon General. He said that such disclosure
would then allow the company openly to research and develop a safer cigarette.
132. Brown & Williamson rejected Yeaman's advice to make full disclosure
to the Surgeon General. A series of six letters and telexes exchanged by
Yeaman and senior British American Tobacco Company official A.D. McCormick
between June 28 and August 8, 1963, document the company's decision not
to disclose its research findings to the Surgeon General. That research,
some of which was later characterized in a report in the Journal of the
American Medical Association as "at the cutting edge of nicotine pharmacology,"
preceded the main published reports from the general scientific community
by several years.
D. "Safer Cigarettes" Suppressed
133. Defendants could have designed and manufactured a safer cigarette,
but refused to do so. The need for a "safer" tobacco product
results from the harmful chemical compounds occurring in tobacco products
and/or formed as a result of burning. These compounds include carbon monoxide,
nicotine, nickel carbon dioxide, benzene, hydrazine, fotmaldehyde, Polonium-210,
ammonia, nicotine sulfate, Freon II, hydrogen cyanide and certain liver
toxins known collectively as furans. More than forty (40) known carcinogens
are found in cigarette tobacco. Defendants artificially add chemicals and
flavorings to their products that increase toxicity and/or carcinogenicity.
134. Defendants have long understood that reducing or eliminating nicotine
from their products would hurt sales. As one company researcher wrote in
a 1978 report to Philip Morris executives: "If the industry's introduction
of acceptable low- nicotine products does make it easier for dedicated
smokers to quit, then the wisdom of the introduction is open to debate."
135. Instead, the industry attempted to develop ostensibly safer ways
of delivering adequate doses of nicotine to create and sustain addiction
in the smoker.
136. Some members of the industry studied artificial nicotine or nicotine
analogues that would have the addictive and psychopharmacological properties
of nicotine without its dangerous effects on the heart. Dr. Victor DeNoble
was hired by Philip Morris, in part, to research and develop a nicotine
analogue.
137. Dr. DeNoble did discover such an analogue, but Philip Morris chose
to halt its effort to determine whether the nicotine analogue could be
used to make a safer cigarette.
138. Philip Morris also explored research to develop a safer cigarette,
or, in the words of one memorandum to the Board of Directors, cigarettes
with "superior physiological performance. " This memorandum noted
competitive pressures to produce "less harmful" cigarettes. However,
the memorandum was careful to state that, "[o]ur philosophy is not
to start a war, but if war comes, we aim to fight well and to win."
Philip Morris never broadly marketed such a "safer" cigarette.
Its documents state that "after much discussion we decided not to
tell the physiological story which might have appealed to a health conscious
segment of the market. The product as test marketed didn't have good 'taste'
and consequently was unacceptable to the public ignorant of its physiological
superiority." Subsequently, taste was improved and Philip Morris attempted
to promote the product. However, "The imposition of FTC rules and
the industry advertising code took the starch out of the program...."
139. Brown & Williamson also understood that nicotine was the essential
ingredient in maintaining tobacco sales. The company attempted to develop
a "safer" cigarette which internal documents described as "a
nicotine delivery device," but did not market such a cigarette in
spite of promising test results. Brown & Williamson's Project "Ariel"
used a heating, as opposed to burning system. Its Project "Janus"
was intended to identify hazardous components of cigarette smoke so they
could be removed.
140. By the end of the 1970s, however, Brown & Williamson, in a
pattern that was repeated throughout the industry, closed its research
labs and halted all work on a safer cigarette.
141. R.J. Reynolds' efforts to develop a safer cigarette also focused
on delivering nicotine to the consumer without the harmful constituents
of tobacco smoke. In the late 1980s, R.J. Reynolds developed and test marketed
"Premier," a smokeless and virtually tobacco-free cigarette which
was, in essence, a nicotine delivery system.
142. At Liggett & Myers, Dr. James Mold conducted tests to divide
the components of cigarette smoke into separate entities and to interrupt
the process that produces carcinogens by using a catalyst. Liggett &
Myers researchers were able to produce a so-called "safer" cigarette,
designated as the "XA Project" that eliminated the carcinogenic
activity on mouse skin. However, Liggett & Myers did not want to be
identified publicly as the source of the research behind this non-carcinogenic
"safer" cigarette.
143. Dr. Mold has provided the following overview of the XA Project
and its abandonment:
a. Dr. Mold stated that the XA project produced a safer cigarette. He
stated, "We produced a cigarette which was, we felt, commercially
acceptable as established by some consumer tests, which eliminated carcinogenic
activity..."
b. Dr. Mold stated that after 1975, all meetings on the project were
attended by lawyers. Lawyers collected notes after all meetings. All documents
were directed to the law department to cloak the documents with the attorney-client
privilege. He stated, "Whenever any problem came up on the project,
the Legal Department would pounce upon that in an attempt to kill the project,
and this happened time and time again."
c. Dr. Mold was asked why Liggett did not market a safer cigarette.
He stated, "Well, I can't give you, you know, a positive statement
because I wasn't in the management circles that made the decision, but
I certainly had a pretty fair idea why ...[T]hey felt that such a cigarette,
if put on the market, would seriously indict them for having sold other
types of cigarettes that didn't contain this, for example... [a]t a meeting
we held in... New Jersey at the Grand Met headquarters... at which the
various legal people involved and the management people involved and myself
were present. At one point, Mr. Dey... who at that time, and I guess still
is the president of Liggett Tobacco, made the statement that he was told
by someone in the Philip Morris Company that if we tried to market such
a product that they would clobber us."
144. Liggett had also obtained a patent for the process it had discovered
to produce its safer cigarette. The patent application described the reduction
in cancer in mice studies, prompting stories in the media that Liggett
was the first cigarette company to admit that smoking caused cancer. Liggett
responded by issuing a press release it called a "Liggettgram"
which stated: "Liggett and the cigarette industry continue to deny,
as they have consistently, that any conclusions can be drawn relating such
test results on mice in laboratories to cancer in human beings. It has
never been established that smoking is a cause of human cancer. The laboratory
experiments reported in the patent were conducted for Liggett by an independent
researcher, The Life Sciences Division of Arthur D. Little, Inc."
145. At the time Liggett made this statement, Dr. Mold estimates that
Liggett had spent a total of $10 million on research involving mice, in
part to develop the safer XA cigarette. Liggett's internal reports on the
benefit of the XA, and the absence of increased risk of harm from the additives
used, specifically used animal studies as reliable indicators of the health
effect of the product on humans.
146. Liggett abandoned the project in furtherance of the conspiracy.
Liggett feared that the marketing of a "safer cigarette" would
be, in essence, a confession that its, and the industry's other cigarettes,
were not safe. Thus, one Liggett executive wrote that, "Any domestic
activity will increase risk of cancer litigation on existing products."
In addition, there was a threat of retaliation from industry leader Philip
Morris if Liggett broke ranks.
147. The industry was aware that consumer demand would support "safer"
products. Prior to adoption of the advertising Code, companies made claims
of reduced tar and nicotine content for their products, which the public
perceived as offering reduced health risks. However, "the smoker of
a filter cigarette [claiming reduced tar] was getting as much or more nicotine
and tar as he would have gotten from a regular cigarette. He had abandoned
the regular cigarette, however, on the ground of reduced risk to health."
The industry recognized a difference between "health-oriented"
cigarettes, which were never marketed on a wide basis, and "health-image"
cigarettes, such as low- tar, low-nicotine products. The latter were a
marketing tool, intended to give the ill-using of a safer product.
148. The Federal Trade Commission Cigarette Advertising Guides, adopted
September 22, 1955 and modified March 25, 1966, did not allow claims based
on unsubstantiated health effects. However, it was clear in the industry
that the Guides could be modified if justification was shown. Indeed, the
1966 modification of the Guides was based on development of a method, albeit
not without difficulties of its own, of measuring tar and nicotine content.
In the context of development of a potentially less hazardous product,
a Brown & Williamson document by General Counsel Addison Yeaman states,
"I would submit that the FTC in the face of 1) the industry's research
effort, 2) the truth of our claims, and 3) the "public interest' in
our filter, cannot successfully deny us the right to inform the public."
In truth, the defendants used the FTC Guides as a shield behind which it
concealed its agreement not to compete. The voluntary agreement with the
FTC was characterized by the Consumers Union as being "to the industry's
advantage and to the public's disadvantage . "
149. The Cigarette Advertising Code, adopted by the Defendants, was
another mechanism used to enforce the illegal agreement not to compete
on the basis of safety or health characteristics of tobacco products. Among
other provisions, it prohibits health claims in industry advertisements
unless the "Code Administrator," to whom all cigarette advertisements
are required to be submitted, approves of the advertisement. The Code provided
a mechanism to monitor and police defendants' illegal agreement.
150. Reynolds also developed a "safer cigarette". Except for
a brief test in several cities, Reynolds did not market its safer product,
"Premier."
151. A memorandum authored by a Tobacco Attorney confirmed that there
was an industry-wide position regarding the issue of a safer cigarette.
152. The 1987 memorandum was written in the context of the marketing
by Reynolds of its smokeless cigarette, Premier, which heated rather than
burned tobacco. The attorney wrote that the smokeless cigarette could "have
significant effects on the tobacco industry's joint defense efforts"
and that "[t]he industry position has always been that there is no
alternative design for a cigarette as we know them." The attorney
also noted that, "Unfortunately, the Reynolds announcement . . . seriously
undercuts this component of industry's defense."
153. This fundamental position of the "industry" defense had
been identified much earlier. In 1970, a Tobacco Attorney wrote to DeBaun
Bryant, General Counsel at Brown & Williamson, expressing concerns
about some of the industry research into alternative products. In critiquing
the minutes of a conference, he stated: "It is our opinion that statements
such as [references to research into safer products, products which are
less biologically active, and to 'healthy cigarettes'] constitute a real
threat to the continued success in the defense of smoking and health litigation.
Of course, we would make every effort to 'explain' such statements if we
were confronted with them during a trial, but I seriously doubt that the
average juror would follow or accept the subtle distinctions and explanations
we would be forced to urge.... [E]mployees in both companies [Brown and
Williamson and British American Tobacco] should be informed of the possible
consequences of careless statements on this subject."
154. All defendants were keenly aware of the risk to the industry if
any of them sought a competitive advantage by developing and marketing
a safer product. The risk was avoided by agreeing to not compete on that
basis. As one industry representative testified: ". . . as a company,
we cannot position our products as being healthy. We've already agreed
that they are a risk factor [the 'agreement' referenced is the industry's
acceptance of the warning labels on cigarette packages] . . . we wouldn't
run any advertising that positions any of our products as being healthier
than others."
E. The Tobacco Industry's Knowledge of Nicotine's Addictiveness
155. An advertisement placed by Philip Morris in newspapers across the
country in April 1994, affirmatively represented that Philip Morris does
not "manipulate" nicotine levels in its cigarettes, and that
"Philip Morris does not believe that cigarette smoking is addictive."
156. R.J. Reynolds placed a similar advertisement in newspapers across
the United States in 1994 stating that "we do not increase the level
of nicotine in any of our products in order to addict smokers. Instead
of increasing the nicotine levels in our products, we have in fact worked
hard to decrease tar, and nicotine..." R.J. Reynolds' advertisement
then touted its use of "various techniques that help us reduce the
tar, (and consequently the nicotine) yields of our products. "
157. In fact, Defendants have known of the difficulties smokers experience
in quitting smoking and of the tendency of addicted individuals to focus
on any rationalization to justify their continued smoking. Defendants exploit
this weakness and capitalize upon the known addictive nature of nicotine.
Nicotine addiction guarantees a market for cigarettes. The addictive nature
of the nicotine in cigarettes virtually eliminates personal choice in those
who become addicted. Modern cigarettes as sold in Kansas are painstakingly
designed and manufactured to control nicotine delivery to the smoker.
158. Defendants have secretly known since at least the early 1960's
of the addictive properties of the nicotine contained in the cigarettes
they manufacture and sell. Sworn statements of former Philip Morris scientists,
Jerome Rivers, Dr. Ian L. Uydess and Dr. William Farone belie the industry's
denials, and industry documents are replete with evidence of Defendants'
historical knowledge of nicotine's addictiveness.
159. In 1962, Sir Charles Ellis, scientific advisor to the Board of
Directors of British American Tobacco Company ("BATCO"), Brown
& Williamson's parent company, stated at a meeting of BATCO's worldwide
subsidiaries, that "smoking is a habit of addiction" and that
"[n]icotine is not only a very fine drug, but the technique of administration
by smoking has considerable psychological advantages...." He subsequently
described Brown & Williamson as being "in the nicotine rather
than the tobacco industry."
160. A research report from 1963 commissioned by Brown & Williamson
states that when a chronic smoker is denied nicotine: "A body left
in this unbalanced state craves for renewed drug intake in order to restore
the physiological equilibrium. This unconscious desire explains the addiction
of the individual to nicotine." No information from that research
has ever been voluntarily disclosed to the public; in particular it was
not shared with the Committee that was preparing the first Surgeon General
report and hence was not reflected in that report.
161. Addison Yeaman, General Counsel at Brown & Williamson, summarized
his view about nicotine in an internal memorandum also in 1963: "Moreover,
nicotine is addictive. We are, then, in the business of selling nicotine,
an addictive drug effective in the release of stress mechanisms."
162. Internal reports prepared by Philip Morris in 1972 and the Philip
Morris U.S.A. Research Center in March 1978, demonstrate Philip Morris'
understanding of the role of nicotine in tobacco use: "We think that
most smokers can be considered nicotine seekers, for the pharmacological
effect of nicotine is one of the rewards that come from smoking. When the
smoker quits, he forgoes his accustomed nicotine. The change is very noticeable,
he misses the reward, and so he returns to smoking."
163. From 1940-1970, the American Tobacco Company conducted its own
nicotine research, funding over 90 studies on the pharmacological and other
effects of nicotine on the body, 80% of all biological studies funded by
the company over this period. In 1969, the American Tobacco Company even
test marketed a nicotine- enriched cigarette in Seattle, Washington.
164. In a 1972 document entitled "RJR confidential research planning
memorandum on the nature of the tobacco business and the crucial role of
nicotine therein," a R.J. Reynolds executive wrote: "In a sense,
the tobacco industry may be thought of as being a specialized, highly ritualized,
and stylized segment of the pharmaceutical industry. Tobacco products uniquely
contain and deliver nicotine, a potent drug with a variety of physiological
effects."
165. The industry's recognition of the extent to which nicotine - and
not tobacco -- defines its product is illustrated in a 1972 Philip Morris
report on a CTR conference, which stated:
a. "As with eating and copulating so it is with smoking. The physiological
effect serves as the primary incentive, all other incentives are secondary.
The majority of the conferees would go even further and accept the proposition
that nicotine is the active constituent of cigarette smoke. Without nicotine,
the argument goes, there would be no smoking."
b. "Why then is there not a market for nicotine per se, eaten,
sucked, drunk, injected, inserted or inhaled as a pure aerosol? The answer,
and I feel quite strongly about this, is that the cigarette is in fact
among the most awe-inspiring examples of the ingenuity of man. Let me explain
my conviction. The cigarette should be conceived not as a product but as
a package. The product is nicotine."
c. "Think of the cigarette pack as a storage container for a day's
supply of nicotine... Think of the cigarette as a dispenser for a dose
unit of nicotine."
166. Documents from a BATCO study called Project Hippo, uncovered only
in May 1994, show that as far back as 1961, this cigarette company was
actively studying the physiological and pharmacological effects of nicotine.
Project Hippo reports were circulated to other U.S. cigarette manufacturers
and to TIRC, demonstrating that at least some of the industry's nicotine
research was shared. BATCO sent the reports to officials at Brown &
Williamson and R.J. Reynolds, and circulated a copy to TIRC with a request
that TIRC "consider whether it would help the U.S. industry for these
reports to be passed on to the Surgeon General's Committee."
167. Similarly, an RJR-MacDonald Marketing Summary Report from 1983
concluded that the primary reason people smoke "is probably the physiological
satisfaction provided by the nicotine level of the product. "
168. As recently as December 1995, the Wall Street Journal reported
on an internal Philip Morris draft document analyzing the competitive market
for nicotine products for the years 1990-1992. The report describes the
importance of nicotine: "Different people smoke for different reasons.
But the primary reason is to deliver nicotine into their bodies.... It
is a physiologically active, nitrogen containing substance. Similar organic
chemicals include nicotine, quinine, cocaine, atropine, and morphine. While
each of these substances can be used to affect human physiology, nicotine
has a particularly broad range of influence. During the smoke act, nicotine
is inhaled into the lungs in smoke, enters the bloodstream and travels
to the brain in about eight to ten seconds."
169. Recently disclosed handwritten notes dated 1965 from Ronald A.
Tamol, who until 1993 was Philip Morris' director of research and brand
development, refer to "minimum nicotine... to keep the normal smoker
hooked."
170. In fact, in a decade long project, Brown & Williamson secretly
developed a genetically engineered tobacco plant with a nicotine content
more than twice the average found naturally in flue-cured tobacco. Brown
& Williamson took out a Brazilian patent for the new plant, which was
printed in Portuguese. Brown & Williamson and a Brazilian sister company,
Souza Cruz Overseas, grew Y-1 in Brazil and shipped it to the United States
where it was used 'in five Brown & Williamson cigarette brands sold
in Kansas, including three labeled "light" When the company's
deception was uncovered, company officials stated that close to four million
pounds of Y-1 were stored in company warehouses in the United States.
171. As part of its cover-up, Brown & Williamson even went so far
as to instruct the DNA Plant Technology Corporation of Oakland, California,
which had developed Y-1, to tell FDA investigators that Y- 1 had "never
[been] commercialized." Only after the FDA discovered two United States
Customs Service invoices indicating that "more than a million pounds"
of Y-1 tobacco had been shipped to Brown & Williamson on September
21, 1992, did the company admit that it had developed the high-nicotine
tobacco.
172. In addition, cigarette manufacturers add several ammonia compounds
during the manufacturing process which increase the delivery of nicotine
and almost double the nicotine transfer efficiency of cigarettes.
173. Brown & Williamson publicly denies that the use of ammonia
in the processing of tobacco increases the amount of nicotine absorbed
by the smoker. Nevertheless, the company's own internal documents reveal
that it is and its rivals use ammonia compounds to increase nicotine delivery.
As John Kreisher, a former associate scientific director for CTR, conceded,
"[a]mmonia helped the industry lower the tar and allowed smokers to
get more bang with less nicotine. It solved a couple of problems at the
same time."
174. The cigarette industry's manipulation of nicotine is particularly
harmful in view of its deceptive marketing of "light" or low-tar
and low-nicotine cigarettes to retain the health conscious segment of the
smoking market. Recent studies demonstrate that cigarettes advertised as
low tar and low nicotine have higher concentrations of nicotine, by weight,
than high-yield cigarettes. The Tobacco Companies manipulate nicotine delivery
levels in supposedly reduced tar and reduced nicotine cigarettes through
various strategies. For example:
a. Industry studies show that smokers tend to obtain close to the same
amount of nicotine from each cigarette despite differences in yield as
measured by the FTC smoking machine. Cigarette manufacturers have designed
"light" cigarettes in a deliberate attempt to circumvent FTC
methods of measuring tar and nicotine levels. By drilling nearly invisible
holes in the filter paper, the cigarette manufacturers have prevented FTC
smoking machines from accurately measuring the actual tar and nicotine
delivery to smokers, who naturally block the tiny, laser-generated perforations
with their fingers or lips, and thereby receive greater tar and nicotine
yields than indicated by FTC measurements.
b. The FTC testing method does not distinguish between the slower acting
salt-bound nicotine and the more potent "free" nicotine that
ammonia helps release. An ammoniated cigarette that delivers more potent
nicotine to smokers measures the same as a cigarette with no such additives.
175. The cigarette industry maintains that nicotine levels follow tar
levels. In the words of Dr. Alexander Spears, Vice Chairman of Lorillard,
in his 1994 testimony before the Waxman Subcommittee -- "[n]icotine
[level] follows the tar level," and the correlation between the two
"is essentially perfect," and "shows that there is no manipulation
of nicotine." Dr. Spears neglected to mention to Congress that in
a 1981 study, not intended for public release, he stated explicitly that
low-tar cigarettes use special blends of tobacco to keep the level of nicotine
up while tar is reduced: "[T]he lowest tar segment [of product categories]
is composed of cigarettes utilizing a tobacco blend which is significantly
higher in nicotine."
176. R.J. Reynolds, Lorillard, the American Tobacco Company, and the
Tobacco Institute have similarly represented to the public and to the FDA
that the nicotine levels in their products are purely a function of setting
the tar levels of such products. Internal company documents show, however,
that the American Tobacco Company's experimentation with adding nicotine
to its tobacco was extensive -- extensive enough for American Tobacco Company
executive John T. Ashworth to instruct employees in a confidential memorandum:
"In the future, our use of nicotine should be referred to as 'Compound
W' in our experimental work, reports, and memorandums, either for distribution
within the Department or for outside distribution."
177. Tobacco industry patents also show that the cigarette industry
has developed the capability to manipulate nicotine levels in cigarettes
to an exacting degree. For example:
a. A Philip Morris patent application discusses an invention that "permits
the release . . . in controlled amounts and when desired, of nicotine into
tobacco smoke."
b. Another Philip Morris patent application explains that the proposed
invention "is particularly useful for the maintenance of the proper
amount of nicotine in tobacco smoke," and notes that "previous
efforts have been made to add nicotine to Tobacco Products when the nicotine
level in the tobacco was undesirably low."
c. A 1991 R.J. Reynolds patent application states that "processed
tobacco can be manufactured under conditions suitable to provide products
having various nicotine levels."
F. The Targeting of Children
178. Across the nation, the overwhelming majority of cigarette use and
addiction begins when users are children or teenagers. Eighty-two (82%)
percent of daily smokers had their first cigarette before age 18, sixty-two
(62%) percent of daily smokers had their first cigarette before age 16,
thirty-eight (38%) percent before the age of 14. Thus a person who does
not begin smoking in childhood or adolescence is unlikely ever to begin.
The younger a person begins to smoke, the more likely he or she is to become
a heavy smoker. Sixty-Seven (67%) percent of children who start smoking
in the sixth grade become regular adult smokers and forty-six (46%) percent
of teenagers who start smoking in the eleventh grade become regular adult
smokers.
179. Smoking at an earlier age increases the risk of lung cancer and
other diseases. Studies have shown that lung cancer mortality is highest
among adults who began smoking before the age of 15.
180. Although young people frequently believe they will not become addicted
to nicotine or become long-term users of tobacco products, they often find
themselves unable to quit smoking. Among smokers aged 12 to 17 years, a
1992 Gallup survey found that 70% said if they had it to do over again,
they would not start smoking and 66% said that they want to quit. Fifty-one
percent of the teen smokers surveyed had made a serious effort to stop
smoking -- but had failed.
181. Cigarette smoking among children and teens is on the rise. A 1995
National Institute of Drug Abuse study found that between 1991 and 1994,
the proportional increase in smoking rates was greatest among eighth graders,
rising by 30%.
182. For many years, the defendants have engaged in a vast and misleading
promotional, public relations, and lobbying blitz which has as its goal
increasing the numbers of people addicted to nicotine in cigarettes and
decreasing the numbers of people who attempt or succeed in quitting. Much
of their efforts in this regard have been and continue to be directed toward
children. They have done so and continue to do so in contravention of their
duty not to make false statements of material fact and their duty not to
conceal such true facts from the public. At the cost of countless lives,
the defendants spend billions of dollars every year misleading the public
and promoting the myth that smoking cigarettes does not cause cardiovascular
disease, lung cancer, emphysema and other diseases and that smokers live
healthy and vital lives. The Tobacco Defendants have at all pertinent times
presented and promoted smoking as an attractive, glamorous, youthful, and
relaxing pastime, associating it with movie stars, athletes, and successful
professionals.
183. Cigarettes are among the most promoted consumer products in the
United States. The Federal Trade Commission reported to Congress that domestic
cigarette advertising and promotional expenditures rose from close to $4
billion in 1990 to more than $6 billion in 1993. Tobacco product brand
names, logos, and advertising messages are all-pervasive, appearing on
billboards, buses, trains, in magazines and newspapers, on clothing and
other goods. The effect is to convey the message to young people that tobacco
use is desirable, socially acceptable, safe, healthy, and prevalent in
society. Additionally, young people buy the most heavily advertised cigarette
brands, whereas many adults buy more generic or value-based cigarette brands
which have little or no image-based advertising. Cigarette manufacturers,
knowing that their advertising appeals to young people, continue to use
these same marketing techniques to sell their products.
184. A July 1995 report by the California Department of Health Services
detailed the results of a survey of tobacco advertisements in or around
stores. In looking at almost 6,000 stores, it was found that the total
average tobacco advertisements and promotions per store was 25.26. Marlboro
was the most frequently advertised and promoted cigarette brand with an
average of 10.15 advertisements and promotions per store. Camel was the
second most frequently advertised and promoted cigarette brand and had
an average of 4.84 advertisements and promotions per store. These two brands
were the most frequently advertised and promoted cigarette brands. Not
surprisingly, Marlboro, Camel, and Newport, the most heavily advertised
brands, are the leading brands smoked by children.
185. This same report also found that stores within 1,000 feet of a
school had significantly more tobacco advertising and promotions than stores
that were not near schools. Stores near schools were also more likely to
have at least one tobacco advertisement placed next to candy or displayed
at three feet or below. A significantly higher average number of tobacco
advertisements also were found on the exterior of stores located in young
neighborhoods - communities in which at least one-third of the population
in that zip code were 17 years of age or less.
186. R.J. Reynolds has even identified the stores in proximity to the
youth market. R.J. Reynolds' Division Manager for Sales wrote all R.J.
Reynolds sales representatives in 1990 regarding the "Young Adult
Market" and asked them to identify what stores were in proximity to
colleges or high schools. A follow-up letter by the sales division calls
for a resubmitted list of Y.A.S. (Young Adult Smoker) accounts using new
criteria, focusing on all accounts located across from, adjacent to, or
in the general vicinity of high schools or college campuses.
187. Despite these disturbing statistics, each of the Tobacco Companies
maintain that the effect of its pervasive advertising and promotion of
cigarettes is limited to maintaining brand loyalty and that is has no role
in encouraging adolescents to experiment with smoking.
188. The Tobacco Companies know that they